The Coming Insurrection is an eloquent call to arms arising from the recent strikes in France and Greece, The Coming Insurrection articulates a rejection of the. Wiki for Collaborative Studies of Arts, Media and Humanities. The book was The Coming Insurrection, a slim political pamphlet recently translated into English by the venerable left-wing publisher.
The Coming Insurrection - Wikipedia
The Coming Insurrection  is a French radical leftistanarchist tract written by The Invisible Committeethe nom de plume of an anonymous author or possibly authors. It hypothesizes the "imminent collapse of capitalist culture". The book is notable for the media coverage which it received as an example of a radical leftist manifestoparticularly from American conservative commentator Glenn Beck.
In its original incarnation, The Coming Insurrection consisted of twelve chapters, together with a brief afterword. The English edition of the book was published after the The coming insurrection Nine arrests, and therefore includes a brief foreword and introduction which the coming insurrection on the subject of the arrests, for a total of fifteen parts.
The book is divided into two halves. The first half attempts a diagnosis of the totality of modern capitalist civilization the coming insurrection, moving through what the Committee identify as the "seven circles" of alienationinduced by states and capitalism: Because the book is a radical leftist, theoretical work, this alienation can be alternately understood in the general sense of the word, or otherwise in the coming insurrection specifically Marxist sense.
Beginning in Get Going! The insurrection envisioned by the Committee entails local appropriation of power by the people, physical blocking of the economy, and rendering police actions irrelevant. For examples, the book points to the late s financial crisis and environmental degradation as symptoms of capitalism's decline. Also discussed are the Argentine economic crisis and the piquetero movement which emerged from it, the riots and student protests in France, the Oaxaca protestsand the grassroots relief work in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina.
These events serve as examples both the coming insurrection breakdown in the modern, conventional social skype 64 bits linux, and at the same time of the capacity of human beings to spontaneously self-organize for revolutionary ends, which taken together can give rise to partial insurrectionary situations.
Although only scant circumstantial evidence has been presented against the nine, the French Interior Minister has publicly associated them with the emergent threat of an 'ultra-left' movement, taking care to single out this book, described as a 'manual for terrorism,' which they are accused of authoring. What follows is the text of the book preceded by the first statement of the Invisible Committee since the arrests. The introduction describes contemporary civil unrest in Greece and France, and encourages situations which may lead to revolution.
The book's association with the Tarnac Nine is obliquely acknowledged, but not confirmed in terms of authorship. For the author sthe political goal of the book is a form of communismalthough the author s intend that word in a simpler sense which is related the coming insurrection, but distinct from, its historical one. The introduction, specifically, is signed and dated: The world is sick. On the contrary, the author s intimate that states, capitalism, and the world economy themselves are the true root causes of the above problems, which really derive from the alienation which they naturally create, to be sketched immediately.
The result is " Atomization into fine paranoiac particles. Tied in every way to places, sufferings, ancestors, friends, loves, events, languages, memories, to all kinds of things that obviously are not me. French societyand specifically the modern French secular statethe coming insurrection characterized as atomizing individuals into the essential category of citizen for the author sa blank category not implying social ties.
Meanwhile, social relations are also hollowed out by capitalism transactional couple-relationships of convenience, perhaps for career advancement, "work buddies" as opposed to true friendshipsetc.
The end result is a poverty of social relations, which now lack "warmth, simplicity, truth". The precariat and the schizophrenic French attitude towards work valorizing and hating it at the same time are analyzed.
The theme is workas in the case of the refusal of workand how work affects all other categories of life romantic relationships, friendships, "time off". Ironically work, and the social dignity which it is supposed to confer, "has totally triumphed over all other ways of existing, at the same time as workers have become superfluous. Gains in productivity, outsourcing, mechanization, automated and the coming insurrection production have so progressed that they have the coming insurrection reduced to zero the quantity of living labor necessary in the manufacture of any product.
The city and the country are contrasted, but the metropolis is a metaphor for capitalist, statist political reality which now permeates the coming insurrection territories and physical spaces, whether rural, urban, or otherwise. Architecture and urbanism are thus entailed, and the chapter cites examples of urban warfareforeshadowing the book's later explicit militant project.
Forced by Palestinian guerrillas to abandon the streets, which had become too dangerous, they learned to advance vertically and horizontally into trajan regular font heart of the urban architecture, poking holes in walls and ceilings in order to move through them. The world economy and, according to the author sthe world's contempt for it specifically the world bank and IMF are the coming insurrection.
Environmentalism and the effects of global warming are generally discussed. Again, the author s dismiss the recent practice of businesses factoring environmental considerations into their plans, as being cynical: The purpose of the chapter is not to say that the author s are unconcerned for the natural world they clearly lament extinction of fish species, among other examplesbut rather to disdain the historical hypocrisy which they ascribe to businesses and states about environmental issues.
Continuing with the theme, one positive example of insurrectionary possibility is cited: Civilization and states, specifically the French state, are described as being upheld by hypocritical the coming insurrection.
For the past five years, the so-called ' war on terror ' with its special operations and targeted assassinations has been pursued in the name of these same values. Beginning the second half, Get Going! Against all the foregoing lamented alienations of modern life, conventional forms of political organization are held to be useless, because they would by definition mimic the existing powers already held in contempt by the author s.
What is needed is insurrectionand right now — a kind of urgency, or presentisma youthful theme of impatience which reappears in later works by the Committee. The English back cover's blurb is taken from this very brief chapter: To go on waiting is the coming insurrection. The catastrophe is not coming, it is here. We are already situated within the collapse of a civilization. It is within the coming insurrection reality that we must choose sides.
The chapter is a revolutionary prescription, in four pieces the coming insurrection advice to the reader: First, " Attach yourself to what you feel to the coming insurrection true. Begin there. Communes should be formed, and their maintenance can and should be supported by various forms of civil disobedience and crimewhich are simultaneously intended to strengthen the communes, and to sap strength from states and businesses: Anonymity is to be held onto for as long as possible, while the communes' strength grows.
Police, eventually, are to be fought, along increasingly militant rhetorical lines. In particular, Get Organized contains a passage which has been directly associated with the Tarnac Nine caseand which seems to anticipate the TGV rail sabotages of the case which occurred after The Coming Insurrection's original publication date ofas reported in an article by Alberto Toscano:.
Information and energy circulate via wire networks, fibers and channels, and these can be attacked. Nowadays sabotaging the social machine with any real effect involves reappropriating and reinventing the ways of interrupting its networks. How can a TGV the coming insurrection or an electrical network be rendered useless? The coming insurrection does one find the weak points in computer networks, or scramble radio waves and fill screens with white noise? Finally, an overall insurrectionary strategy ceza holocaust lyrics presented.
Use crises to your own benefit as conventional powers doshun the "democratic assemblies" of protest movements which accomplish little, a theme regularly revisited by the Committee in later worksblock the economy, block the police, take up arms and avoid the need of their use except at the last resortand depose local authority where feasible. When, finally, the military rolls in, a political victory of some kind must be achieved over them, because a conventional military victory is not tenable.
The text closes, just before a brief afterword, with the injunction: An impressionistic paragraph is sketched, in which conventional power is slowly crumbling, and insurgents face their new challenges with hope. A rocket has just breached a wall of the Clairvaux prison. Impossible to say if it has been months or years since the 'events' began. And the prime minister seems very alone in his appeals for calm.
A few of the Tarnac Nine were involved in producing Tiqquna French radical philosophy journal printed from — The Coming Insurrection bears traces of influence from the works of these philosophers, and also, most notably, Giorgio Agamben 's notions of the whatever singularity and being-in-common, and Alain Badiou 's ontology of the event and truth procedures.
Its analysis of capitalist civilization is clearly informed by Foucault's and Agamben's notion of biopowerGuy Debord 's society of the spectacleand Antonio Negri 's concept of Empire. The revolutionary strategy outlined in the latter part of the book is reminiscent in some ways of the "exodus" or "secession" strategy espoused the coming insurrection many autonomist Marxists like Antonio Negri and Jacques Camatteas well as influenced by the concept of war machine in Deleuze and Guattari's works.
The book was mentioned in The New York Times  and also in the anti-consumerist magazine Adbusters  in relation to the Tarnac Nine. In an interview with The Hollywood ReporterMichael Moore mentioned the book as being the most recent one he had read. Glenn Beck, host of The Glenn Beck Programhas at various times referred to the book as, "crazy" and "evil".
Science fiction author Jeff VanderMeer writes in the acknowledgements of Acceptance Southern Reach Trilogy that The Coming Insurrection served for one of the main character's thinking, "quoted or paraphrased on pages, and From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Semiotext e Intervention Series Release number. Anarchism portal Books portal France portal Socialism portal Social and political philosophy portal Politics portal.
The Coming Insurrection. Los Angeles, CA: Semiotext e. The French 'grocer terrorists ' ". The Independent. December 18, Retrieved January 4, Radical Philosophy, No. CS1 maint: The Glenn Beck Program. New York, United States. Fox News. Retrieved New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Revolutionary socialism. Politics portal Socialism portal. Retrieved from " https: Books about anarchism Insurrectionary anarchism books French books Works published anonymously.
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Revolutionary Ecosocialism 1 comments. Feb 10 19 by Dmitri. Insurrectional Anarchism vs. It was originally published in France in That country's police cited it as evidence in a trial of "the Tarnaq 9," radicals who were accused of planning sabotage. The French Interior Minister called it a "manual for terrorism" quoted on p. He has repeatedly identified it as a manual for a take-over of the U. You should read it to know what is coming and be ready when it does " Beck, The interest of many on the coming insurrection left has been piqued; Michael Moore is reported to have the coming insurrection it.
From the perspective of revolutionary-libertarian socialism class-struggle anarchismI believe that many things are wrong with the coming insurrection pamphlet. But it is right on some very big things. That is a major part of its attraction, despite its opague style the authors have studied French radical philosophy and it shows. The IC members say that, on a world scale, our society is morally rotten and structurally in the deepest of crises.
They denounce this society in every way and oppose all reformist programs for trying to improve it at the margins. They say that a total change is necessary and that this can only be achieved through some sort of revolution.
Their goals are the right goals: These views are well outside the usual range of acceptable political conversation.
Unfortunately, I believe that the tactics and strategy which they propose are mistaken and unlikely to achieve their correct goals. In "Black Flame," Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt review the history of the mainstream of the anarchist movement-of what is often referred to as anarchist-communism. They describe two main strategies within the broad anarchist tradition.
Historically a minority trend in anarchism, this is probably what most people think of as "anarchism. I prefer to call this second strategy by the more widely used term, "class-struggle anarchism. Individual anarchists are not so sharply divided into "insurrectionists" or "class-struggle" types. Whatever their labels, their activities are likely to overlap with each other. Terms may be confusing.
By "insurrection," most people mean a revolutionary uprising by the mass of people to overturn the ruling class and smash its state. By this definition, it is the class-struggle anarchists who are working for an insurrection. On the other hand, the so-called insurrectionists are not clearly for an inurrection--a popular uprising--but are mainly interested in rebellious activities beinc carried out by themselves, a revolutionary minority. As we shall see, "TCI" is especially ambiguous the coming insurrection wanting a popular insurrection.
However, I will stick with the usual political labels. Actually the unnamed authors of this book do not explicitly identify with "anarchism," which they mention negatively. They prefer the label of "communism. I think that is safe to the coming insurrection them in the tradition of "insurrectionist anarchism. In any case, by now there has been so much overlap and interaction between anarchism and libertarian trends in Marxism, that it is not possible or relevant to draw a sharp line between them.
This view blurs distinctions among 1 the workers, who the coming insurrection misdirected by the the coming insurrection but who get definite benefits from them; 2 the unions themselves as organizations which are created by the workers; and 3 the union officialdom, which is an agent of the capitalist class within the workers' organizations. In other words, the workers and unions and bureaucrats are seen as one bloc, which is exactly how they are seen by the bureaucrats and their reformist supporters.
Belonging to unions generally gives workers higher wages and better working conditions. This is something the Invisable Comittee ignores and would not care about anyway. We might expect the IC to at least care that striking workers can shut down society as can no other section of society-but they do not care about this either. Strikes have usually traded the prospect of revolution for a return the coming insurrection normalcy " p. Instead of organizing among workers, the IC advises its readers to find "hustles" and ways to scam the system outside of paid work.
At one point it was common on the far-left to deride the unions as solely agents of the capitalists. Supposedly the unions' only function was to control the workers in the interests of the capitalist class. This view has been disproven by history. The bosses turn on the unions when times get tough--as they have since the end of the post-WWII boom around The capitalists now oppose the power of unions, force givebacks and cuts in contracts, and fight tooth and nail against the establishment of new unions.
Clearly, the capitalist class believes the coming insurrection - on balance - it is better for them to do without unions. The capitalists find the labor bureaucracy to be useful to them, but--on balance--the capitalists have concluded that unions bring more benefits to the workers than to the bourgeoisie. And they are right. The IC's opposition to unions and, in fact, to the working class, is supported by a theory that there is no longer much of a working class. The coming insurrection have become superfluous.
Gains in productivity, This wild exaggeration leads to seeing work as mainly imposed by the the coming insurrection in order to control the population, not primarily to exploit the workers and to accumulate surplus value. Were this true, then we no longer live under capitalism. Capital had to sacrifice itself as a wage the coming insurrection in order to impose itself as a social relation " p. Without a capitalist class which buys the workers' labor power, there is no modern working class no "proletariat".
Therefore, for "TCI" there is no longer a need to focus on working class struggles. From my point of view, class struggles interact with nonclass struggles, such as over gender, race, nationality, age, etc.
According to the "Black Flame" authors, " But class-struggle, mass, anarchists think that impossiblism means standing apart from the rest of working people. It means looking down on them for their desires for good jobs, decent incomes and housing, an end to racial or sexual discrimination, other democratic rights, ending wars, and safety from ecological catastrophe. Of struggles for jobs, it says, " Excuse us if we don't give a fuck " p.
The danger of economic crisis and mass joblessness " They contemptuously reject those who warn of coming ecological and energy disasters. This whole 'catastrophe,' which they so noisily inform us about By contrast, " The coming insurrection believe that reforms may be windows embedded standard builder as part of a revolutionary, nonreformist, strategy. My one qualification of this view is that these limited gains can only be won for a brief period of time.
The the coming insurrection will get worse--and other disasters will increase, such the coming insurrection the spread of nuclear weapons and global warming. As a result, reforms become harder and harder to win, harder to carry out, and harder to continue under the counterattack from the right.
The issue is not whether some limited gains can be won for a time. They can, and the fight for them is necesssary for building a revolutionary movement as Schmidt and van der Walt write. But the issue is whether it is possible to win the kind of changes the coming insurrection are necessary to prevent eventual total disaster.
It is not possible. This important point is not made in "Black Flame. They say the coming insurrection they often " cross paths with organizations - political, labor, humanitarian, community associations, etc Similarly, they call to " abolish general assemblies " p. There is a long history of popular insurrections which have created neighborhood assemblies, town councils, workplace committees, factory councils, soviets, shoras, and various forms of direct, face-to-face, forms of communal democracy.
The IC members not only reject any form of delegated federation of such assemblies but the popular assemblies themselves. A mass struggle requires decisions about mass actions. But the IC especially rejects the idea of democratic decision-making through discussion and voting. Instead they have a mystical fantasy of individuals pooling information and then " Such a fantasy is authoritarian, highly likely sp72159 skype be hijacked by cliques and charismatic leaders.
We class-struggle anarchists usually make a distinction between two types of organization. These are heterogeneous, composed of people with many opinions.